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Bangstad Brandenburg
0. Introduction
Minocqua Brewing Company (MBC)--in the beer mecca of Wisconsin--is one of thousands of micro-breweries (interchangeable here with craft brewery) that incorporated early in a national boom that peaked for fifteen years beginning in the early 2010s. The boom has since busted. In both 2024 and '25 "more breweries closed...than opened." [1] This reality (combined with a general economic malaise punctuated by the COVID pandemic) meant that to survive, a host of micro-brew entrepreneurs must adapt to new market conditions, diversify their product and reframe their personal narratives. As the beer economy changed--the MBC closed its Minocqua restaurant, moved to an old car wash on the island (Minocqua)--across from the newspaper, opened a taproom in a strip mall on East Washington (Madison)--in view of the capitol, funded a superPAC affiliated with the Democratic Party, sponsors the weekly "Up North Podcast" and publicly spatted with the local Lakeland Times, it's prominent conservative editor (Scott Walker) and national Republicans like Trump. The owner is an avowed progressive, master of media manipulation and also, unfortunately, a partisan reactionary who emphasizes personal grievance to class theory. An outside observer might speculate that the entire brewery endeavor was intended as a path to political power. [2]
Today, MBC owner Erik Bangstad's outspoken and antagonistic politics are an integral part of the "#ProgressiveBeer" brand and distinguishes it in the flooded (overflowing but receding) micro-brewery market. MBC offerings are named after DNC politicians (Bernie Brew, AOC IPA) and policies (Woke, Choice). Under the second Trump Administration Bangstad's opposition--posted to the brand's Facebook page--generated local complaints and a FBI inquiry. Subsequently, videos of this visit became advertising fodder for MBC. These advertisements, in turn, led to more conservative backlash--ouroboros of party politics and personal grievance in on social feeds dominate the Trump era. And dominated it before--the last local politician to make it big was a circus lumberjack who performed on MTV and FoxNews before joining the cabinet. From a Marxist perspective, petit bourgeoisie liberals of of wealthy (but tiny) towns are frustrating because egomaniacs like Bangstad and Walker (or Duffy) are obviously class allies who present as Kabuki enemies. In reality they pray to the same market and fetishize the same portfolios. But from the trenches and silos of American partisanship--the R's and D's--these men earnestly exhaust themselves in a joint performance of democracy. Meanwhile, the world they inhabit is being parceled by a class who rules without politics while greasing both parties. The public partisan interactions are capitalized by anyone who cares to touch them. The local news stations cash checks signed by Willie Horton and the campaigns hemorrhage money. All of this happens while the bombs of WWIII are minted by the fraying social safety net. The clear party coding of Bangstad's actions on behalf of MBC hes entree to the 2026 gubernatorial campaign against front-running Walker ally: "youbetcha" Tom Tiffany. Bangstad's run was announced a few days after the FBI visit. This election will have a personal, local flavor that might result in more (vapid and vainglorious) headlines, clicks and law-enforcement visits over the next six months. Those will be monetized with great fervor. [3]
I. "About Us"
MBC's specific historical narrative is a neat instance of the fifteen year national micro brew fad. [4] The brewery was started by Dan and Laurie White circa 2006. Bangstad and Elizabeth Smith bought it at the height of the national boom in 2016. The narrative lists the building's had previous iterations as a Masonic lodge, school library and church "before transforming" into MBC. [5] This memory is slightly different than mine of a blighted and empty building of the 1990s. The MBC narrative introduces the Masons but skips the formative restaurant period--the food, the people, the location--and begins complaining about May 2020 and a "Trump administration" that "failed to have a national plan to slow down contagion." This caused Bangsatad to "unnecessarily...suff[er]." The personalization of this narrative reads as if Trump was targeting the brewer himself. Trump is to blame for the lack of "a national plan" vis a vis COVID in the period before vaccines. Bangstad's specific complaint is that Trump was "limiting capacity longer than necessary..." in businesses like his. To be clear, opening before vaccine roll-out and slowing the curve was not the progressive position during COVID. Bangstad's capitalist urge to stuff unmasked strangers together during an unmitigated pandemic ignores science and public health for individual profit. Here Bangstad is to the right the proto-fascist first Trump regime. [6]
While COVID and Trump's lockdowns destroyed a lot of businesses the other factor that contributed to MBC's shuttering--a nationwide down-turn in microbreweries--had little to do with the presidency. The reality of changing tastes and the foolishness of investing at the peak of a post-fashionable industry are not part of MBC's narrative. Instead of accepting the economic reality, quoting from the MBC webpage, "Bangstad aired his frustrations by hanging a huge 'Joe Biden for President sign on his wall after having to lay off his entire restaurant staff." [7]
The American government did not do enough to protect small businesses during the COVID lockdowns. It is okay for entrepreneurs to feel anger or frustration toward the free market. Still, the framing of the Biden sign is an off-putting sentence of this narrative because it emphasizes a political tantrum and deemphasizes (or at least equivocates) the suffering of labor (laying off the "entire restaurant staff") because the ownership's margin's were too thin. To pivot from this economic failure straight into a political campaign--finding money for a superPAC but not furloughed restaurant staff--lacks the capitalist noblesse oblige that year round residents of tourist towns rely upon. [8]
The narrative continues, "That stance alienated many conservatives in his area but endeared him to progressives around the country..." but this needs to be parsed. There are four "stance[s]" proposed in the previous paragraph: (1) a national plan to slow pandemics; (2) unlimited capacity in restaurants during the pandemic; (3) vote Joe Biden; (4) lay off staff to balance the books. Presumably local conservatives would be alienated by (1) and (3) but in favor of (2) and (4). The inverse is presumably true for liberals. Bangstad's stances are milquetoast liberal centrism. The thing which alienates and endears him to partisans is the flamboyant way he campaigns--the "huge" sign and public provocations thrill #resist partisans in Madison but make rural conservative voters (and the FBI) uneasy. [9]
MBC capitalized with branding and the cleverly named beers "sold out before they were even made." Once it became a popular meme beer the restaurant and waitstaff were superfluous regardless of COVID. To read the MBC narrative, "Bangstad sold his building to hedge against Covid..."--calling a century old building "his" is as audacious as chopping down a sequoia. The restaurant is one of hundreds of failed restaurants in this tourist town but Bangstad's failure is framed as a federal plot and the FBI is dumb enough to play along. This political turmoil was always going to alienate the locals. It also fuels Bangstad's current focus "...selling #ProgressiveBeer nationwide" to disaffected msNOW viewers. [10] In Wisconsin politics, there is a path from supper-club owner to state office (see Ed Thompson)--but alienating the locals along the way is not good for business or office.
Bangstad describes goal of the MBC SuperPAC, "to remove Republican federal and state elected officials who perpetuated the election lies that caused the Insurrection of January 6, 2021..."--it is appropriate for candidates to promote the peaceful transfer of power and too much democracy (aka anarchy) is a constant threat to republican governments. The second part of the mission to remove officials "whose downplaying of the seriousness of Covid 19 caused so many unnecessary deaths in our country" is absolutely contrary to Bangstad's demand for unlimited, unvaccinated COVID-era supperclubs. This superPAC's mission is retribution without goals. To address this, the superPAC donates a "percentage of...profits" to "progressive causes and reproductive rights groups." [11]
II. the statement
It is hard to disentangle Bangstad's personal politics with the MBC marketing that appears on his Facebook page. The statement that piqued the FBI was one of many messages trafficking in that mixture of negative partisanship and progressive beer that MBC has perfected: "Well, we almost got #freebeerday. Either a brother or sister in the Resistance needs to work on their marksmanship or he faked another assassination to get a positive news cycle. We’ll never know." [12] This is gross. Compared to free speech heroes like EV Debs, Big Bill Haywood, MLK or Julian Assange--who used their speech to end violence--Bangstad uses the first amendment to promote violence. Like everything on the internet, the joke is a veiled advertisement. Compared to free speech deities like Lenny Bruce or George Carlin--who used their speech laugh at authority--Bangstad isn't even funny. Only the deranged anti-Trumpist world would try to sell beer by joking about assassinating the president. Bangstad is unironically Trumpian in his vulgarity.
III. tests
Because defending vile speech defines a free society, Bangstad's post should be defended even if it is icky. There are many ways to defend this speech. Three tests of to defend this speech follow: legal, partisan and local (grievance). Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969) is the relevant free speech law. There are three elements of the Brandenberg "imminent lawless action" test (1) intent to speak; (2) imminence of lawlessness; and (3) likelihood of lawlessness. Even if it is viewed as something other than satire, Bangstad's Facebook post doesn't promote imminent disorder. At worst, it implies the MBC community will celebrate the assassination of Trump with free beer--there is no suggestion of quid pro quo--bullets for beers. It is also unlikely that someone would murder the president today for a free beer tomorrow. This is legally protected speech. [13]
In this case political speech is productive to partisan campaigns. Bangstad is betting that there are more resistance liberals who will be excited by a veiled death threat against the president than will be turned off by quasi-violent rhetoric. Without a campaign platform, this type of oppositional politics is personal and petty. Grievance politics works during the Trump era. The Facebook post doesn't fail the test for political speech but it is totally unnecessary to the campaign.
A modern manifestation of Wisconsin's traditional local grievance is broadly defined by as the Politics of Resentment. Broadly, it is a class divide separating the populist republican northwoods and the progressive democratic cities backed up by a survey tour of bars like MBC. Bangstad has opened stores in Madison and Minocqua on both frontiers of this divide. The problem of rural consciousness--even in a tourist town--is how outsiders are perceived and treated--with resentment. The economics of rural Wisconsin involves teasing these people in seasonal orgies until they run out of money and go home. The alienation that Bangstad feels from island locals is a manifestation of this outsider resentment. Flashy investments, controversial social media posts, unpopular partisanship (and liquidating the labor force) do not traditionally ingratiate outsiders to rural communities. The Madison taproom--has the inverse problem--it seems an inauthentic representation of the northwoods brought to the driftless inundated by local beer by a political operative. The local resentment is the least important test of the three but MBC does fail. [14]
IV. modern era
The traditional tests of speech are evolving. The volume and virility of speech is amplified in the modern era. The recourse to defamation is also changing. Public citizens are still subject to impossibly high standards to prove speech about them is slanderous or libel (not commentary or satire). But public officials still sue commenters and satirists (and "legitimate" reporters). The goal is not a legal ruling--instead it is to bankrupt the speaker, intimidate others with public spectacle and control media narratives through censorship and collusion. Evidence of the Trump era lawsuits include Meliana Trump threatening Michael Wolff with a $1 billion defamation lawsuit (and Wolff's countersuit), Ka$h Patel suing The Atlantic writer Sarah Fitzpatrick for $250 million and Donald Trump settling with ABC for $16 million for a George Stephanopoulos misstatement. The result of these accusations, threats and out of court settlements is a muddy news cycle without resolution or verdict. Both sides believe they are somehow both correct and aggrieved. The siloed media only tells one side of this story--"Trump accused!" and "Trump threatens lawsuit!"--are the same message crafted for different audiences. This is the post-truth news cycle--accusations and threats--a distraction from the stories beyond partisanship. This post truth politics infiltrates actual news coverage during wartime as reporters become useful idiots, credulously sourcing liars like Kissinger, Schwartzkopf, North, Rumsfeld, Powell, Bolton, Panetta or John Brennan. There is no truth in imperial propaganda unbalanced by a colonized counterpoint. This colonial messaging becomes fascistic when organs of state power, like the FBI, become the gendarmes (or Pinkerton) on the side of capital, threatened lawsuits and post-truth. The FBI is supposed to operate within legal confines defined by congress--not as an extra legal stasi representing the unitary executive. [15]
If there is a test of speech within the capitalized, lawsuit driven post-truth paradigm of modern politics then it is at the nexus of conviction in the speech and willingness to invest financially to protect it. If only people who are capitalized past the fear of lost wages and or retainer fees have free speech then it is a commodity and not a right. Since there is no official link between true speech and free speech (see Colin Powell, Et al) then this commodity is also potentially fictitious. This cynically post-modern definition of free speech--potential lies for sale--is a very similar ethic to so much of American economics: advertising, Silicon Valley AI, debt financing and venture capital. This system is built for the success of flashy entrepreneurs who can test the boundaries of speech without facing financial ruin. Revolutionaries don't need to encourage these antics but they should defend peoples right to all speech.
We live in an abhorrent paradigm that privileges people like Bangstad. Worse yet, leftists have to celebrate Bangstad's ability to speak nonsense in Minocqua or become hypocrites when we defend Chairman Omali Yeshitela's truth in Tampa [16]. The system should be refined but this is how it is now and all Facebook posts should be protected--even the gross ones. Commonly the defendants in landmark free speech cases are awful people: the KKK, neo-Nazis and homophobes. Americans are taught to defend speech they abhor. This is the violent free speech afforded to capitalists, chauvinists and politicians. There is another type of free speech that is beloved and not abhorred. This is the free speech afforded to pacifists, internationalists and abolitionists. It's the same free speech--one is to be tolerated and the other treasured--but they can not be separated.
V. notes:
[1] Brewers Association "The 2025 Year in Beer" Association News brewersassociation.org 15 December 2025.
[2] Bangstad's brash and argumentative personality is very different than his opponents: the not from Madison "You-Betcha" Tiffany and the infectious socialist Hong. Bangstad's anti-Trump anger will mobilize Democrats but to what end?
[3] Ellie Bourdo "Minocqua Brewing Company owner is running for Wisconsin governor" UpNorthNews 5 May 2026.
Two days after the FBI meeting Bangstad "announced his candidacy" for governor on a Facebook livestream. This was echoed on the UpNorthNews outlet sponsored by MBC. THe announcement reads, "I felt that I was actually scared for my safety, and scared from my own federal government. I’m not gonna stand for this anymore, and I’m gonna run for governor of Wisconsin." Bangstad continues to blame "Republican mismanagement" for the COVID shut down and microbrew fad that "hurt businesses up north." His is a late candidacy in a Democratic primary dominated by Democratic Socialist (DSA) Francesca Hong. Bangstad doesn't really have any room in this race: the rural "up north" vote will be dominated by Tiffany and the "progressive" vote should be dominated by Hong. If he runs, Bangstad would need to punch to the left (which would be unpopular in Madison) or rebrand as a business-centrist (which is factually true but contradicts his personal narrative). As a third party candidate, he would take votes from Hong, spoil the race for Tiffany and reinforce the class interests of Walker and the Republicans.
[4] The Brewers Association hosts "National Beer Sales & Production Data [here]. Some notes follow. Taprooms became a thing in 2019. The first historical brewery count was 4,131 in 1873...the market was reset with prohibition...the pre-WWII (1941) spike of 857 national breweries..was only eclipsed in 1995 with 858 breweries. There is a dramatic increase in the number of national breweries after 1995...there are nearly 5,000 in 2015 and topping out around 10,000 in 2024. There were more microbrewery closings than openings in 2023 and 2024 and more taproom closings in 2024. This data suggests a saturated market and changing public tastes.
[5] A building history might have been more interesting than a business narrative but it wouldn't sell as much beer. The two story brick structure was built as a Masonic Lodge in the 1920s. It was converted into a library, school and church. In the twenty-first century it became a private owned public house. The middle part of this narrative is surprising because the building shared the island with a different school and library; there was also another school across the lake. It seems redundant in time and space. My personal local memory of the building is empty through the 90s--a good location next to the park and a dock on the lake that "somebody should do something with." The restaurant was dimly lit with beautiful views, the brewery was fine and the music venue was painted with modernist jazz era scenes. The MBC was unlike most local northwoods bars. It is now under a third owner as a restaurant and only opens for tourist season.
[6] MBC "About Us" Minocqua Brewing Company website. accessed: 09 May 2026.
"About Us" narrative from MBC's webpage [link] copied in its entirety (for context and preservation):
"Kirk Bangstad and his late wife, Elizabeth Smith, purchased the business in early 2016 from the Dan and Laurie White family who ran the business for just over 10 years. The historic 1929 Free Mason's building was renovated from to a school, library and then a church before transforming to a restaurant and Brewery in the early 2000's.
"After the coronavirus shut down all restaurants in March, 2020, and the Trump administration failed to have a national plan to slow down contagion and the restaurant industry suffered unnecessarily by having to limiting capacity longer than necessary, Bangstad aired his frustrations by hanging a huge “Joe Biden for President” sign on his wall after having to lay off his entire restaurant staff. "That stance alienated many conservatives in his area but endeared him to progressives around the country, leading him to decide to sell #ProgressiveBeer. His first two efforts, Biden Beer (Inoffensive and not Bitter) and Inauguration Day Beer (A Peaceful Transition of Flavor), sold out before they were even made. "Bangstad sold his building to hedge against Covid and is currently focused on selling #ProgressiveBeer nationwide. "Bangstad also created the Minocqua Brewing Company SuperPAC, which he calls “Dark Money Meant for Good.” This super PAC aims to remove Republican federal and state elected officials who perpetuated the election lies that caused the Insurrection of January 6, 2021, and whose downplaying of the seriousness of Covid 19 caused so many unnecessary deaths in our country. "A percentage of the profits of our progressive beer and Choice products are donated progressive causes and reproductive rights groups, respectively. "In addition, the Minocqua Brewing Company sponsors the weekly "Up North Podcast" in Partnership with Up North News."
[7] ibid.
[8] ibid.
[9] ibid.
[10] ibid.
[11] ibid.
[12] The Facebook post is quoted by:
Rich Kremer "Federal agents interview Kirk Bangstad over post on attempted Trump assassination" News, Politics, President Wisconsin Public Radio 1 May 2026 (updated: 4 May 2026).
[13] US Supreme Court Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444 (1969).
[14] Katherine J. Cramer The Politics of Resentment Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016.
[15] Larry Neumeister "Michael Wolff sues Meliana Trump over Epstein-related claims" AP News 22 October 20025.
Joe Sommerlad "Atlantic writer sued by Kash Patel says she's been 'inundated' with new sources corroborating her reporting" The Independent 24 April 2026.
Giselle Ruhiyyih Ewing "ABC and Stephanopoulos to pay Trump $15M, apologize in defamation suit settlement" Politico 14 December 2024.
[16] The African Peoples Socialist Party have been targeted by multiple regimes. They aren't supported by superPACs, parties or billionaires. They do the type of mutual aid organizing that would only confuse capitalists like Bangstad (or Walker).